今夜的曇花

今夜我又收到一朵曇花---潔白 嬌弱 純雅

他不知為何對曇花情有獨鍾

每每開始結花苞 他就專心等待與守候

時候到了 在那曇花正盛開的時候

他總是摘下來 慢慢送到我眼前 我們輕聞它瞬間的香氣

我們不捨的看著它  瞬間慢慢合起花瓣  虛弱的漸漸凋零

高雄港的落日

這樣的船是否也能載著夢

黃昏情調

這是我依靠的港灣

真愛馬頭

感謝金桐老師和社會局給我們孩子機會  讓我們搭這艘船做了一趟高雄港巡禮

生於斯  長於斯    我竟然半個世紀來才完整整細細看了

高雄港和他各具功能的碼頭  乘著遊艇

港都的女人  沒多少機會親近海洋

卻從小聽著哼著 "爸爸是行船人"  "港邊惜別"  "快樂的出帆"

好像是 許曉丹與林俊福 許久前合開的PUB

我跟老公常去捧場  他們送了這一件制服

前胸印著 "台灣閒人"  後背印著 " 吃飽閒閒等待你 "

我們 全家很喜歡穿 現在已經很舊了

只是我還是非常鍾愛

希望有人能告訴我們到哪裡找人訂做

我請她---看到彩虹的人---畫一幅插圖 她很快就寄來了她心中的彩虹   如她本人一樣古典優雅純淨

看到未接來電　不是電話簿的聯絡人

忐忑的回電

原來是你---優雅細膩的你　來電竟然只為通知我

抬頭看你在回家途中看到的彩虹

你說很大　很完整　七彩顏色很鮮明

雖然回電已經是兩小時之後了

那彩虹又銷失的很快

我卻沒有遺憾　只有溫馨和感動

感受那分享的甜蜜

我在心裡也看到了你眼裡的那道彩虹

它沒有消失　它停留在我心裡

Emily轉貼的"我有一個夢"

讓我想起麥克阿瑟的"為子祈禱文"和"老兵不死只是凋零"

讓我再複習了幾篇曾經感動我的 氣勢磅礡的文件和演講稿

這些經典文件都傳達了作者寬闊的胸襟與高遠的眼光

麥帥為子祈禱文

作者：麥克阿瑟

譯者：吳奚真

主啊，請陶冶我的兒子，使他成為一個堅強的人，能夠知道自己什麼時候是軟弱的；使他成為一個勇敢的人，能夠在畏懼的時候認清自己，謀求補救；使他在誠實的失敗之中，能夠自豪而不屈，在獲得成功之際，能夠謙遜而溫和。

請陶冶我的兒子，使他不要以願望代替實際作為；使他能夠認識主---並且曉得自知乃是知識的基石。

我祈求你，不要引導他走上安逸舒適的道路，而要讓他遭受困難與挑戰的磨鍊和策勵。讓他藉此學習在風暴之中挺立起來，讓他藉此學習對失敗的人加以同情。

請陶冶我的兒子，使他的心地純潔，目標高超;在企圖駕馭他人之前，先能駕馭自己；對未來善加籌畫，但是永不忘記過去。

在他把以上諸點都已做到之後，還請賜給他充分的幽默感，使他可以永遠保持嚴肅的態度，但絕不自視非凡，過於拘執。請賜給他謙遜，使他可以永遠記住真實偉大的樸實無華，真實智慧的虛懷若谷，和真實力量的溫和蘊藉。

然後，作為他的父親的我，才敢低聲說道：「我已不虛此生！」

A Father's Prayer

Build me a son, O Lord, who will be strong enough to know when he is weak, and brave enough to face himself when he is afraid; one who will be proud and unbending in honest defeat, and humble and gentle in victory.

Build me a son whose wishes will not take the place of deeds; a son who will know Thee -- and that to know himself is the foundation stone of knowledge.

Lead him, I pray, not in the path of ease and comfort, but under the stress and spur of difficulties and challenge.  Here let him learn to stand up in the storm; here let him learn compassion for those who fail.

Build me a son whose heart will be clear,  whose goal will be high; a son who will master himself before he seeks to master other men;  one who will reach into the future, yet never forget the past.

And after all these things are his, add, I pray, enough of a sense of humor, so that he may always be serious, yet never take himself too seriously.  Give him humility, so that he may always remember the simplicity of true greatness, the open mind of true wisdom, and the weakness of true strength.

Then I, his father, will dare to whisper, "I have not lived in vain" 

General Macarthur Speech

 "Old soldiers never die they just fade away"

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker and distinguished members of the Congress:

I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride - humility in the wake of those great architects of our history who have stood here before me, pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.

Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.

I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan considerations. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.

I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.

I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.

The issues are global, and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector oblivious to those of another is to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.

There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.

If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his efforts. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You cannot appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe .

Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia ...

While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea , that decision, from a military standpoint, proved a sound one.

As I say, it proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.

This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. Such decisions have not been forthcoming.

While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China , and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.

Apart from the military need, as I saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary --

(1) The intensification of our economic blockade against China .

(2) The imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast.

(3) Removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China 's coastal area and of Manchuria .

(4) Removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of China on Formosa , with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the Chinese mainland.

For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and to bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and Allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.

I called for reinforcements, but was informed that reinforcements were not available.

I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese force of some six hundred thousand men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.

We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and at an approximate area where our supply-line advantages were in balance with the supply-line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized his full military potential.

I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said in effect that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth.

I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.

I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.
Indeed, on the second day of September, 1945, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the battleship Missouri , I formally cautioned as follows: "Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.

"Military alliances, balances of power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, our Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence, an improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past two thousand years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh." But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.

In war there is no substitute for victory.

There are some who for varying reasons would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement had led to more than a sham peace.

Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only alternative. Why, my soldiers asked of me, surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field? I could not answer.

Some may say to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China . Others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a worldwide basis.

The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.

Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific."

I have just left your fighting sons in Korea . They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.

It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.

I am closing my fifty-two years of military service. When I joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all my boyish hopes and dreams.

The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barracks ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die; they just fade away.

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty. Good-by. 

圖片來自:cc.shu.edu.tw/.../ccli/ abc/abc_44_20060927.htm

          lib.verycd.com/2006/ 04/28/0000100792.html

美國20世紀最有名的100篇演講稿在1999年由威州大學﹐和德州農工大學敦請 137位學者投票選出，第一名是 金恩 博士的 “I Have a Dream”

Given on August 28, 1963

Martin Luther King, Jr.

"I Have a Dream"

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. *We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: "For Whites Only."* We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

                And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire .

                Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York .

                Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
                Pennsylvania .

                Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

                Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California .

                But not only that:

                Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

                Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

                Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi .

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

                Free at last! Free at last!

                Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

資料來源:http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm

來自Emily http://tw.myblog.yahoo.com/emilywei-lanchunwei/article?mid=7668&page=1#7760

"我有一個夢" 譯文

引言:在二十世紀六十年代，美國人逐漸認識到，南北戰爭所致力解放黑奴運動，並沒有產生使美國黑人成為完全平等公民的預效果。十九世紀後期，美國黑人的公民權利受到州和地方歧視黑人的法規和慣例層層約束和限制。在日常生活中，美國黑人常常被隔離開來，不能與白人同在一個學校上學，乘坐同一公共交通工具，同在一個地方居住。黑人不能充分參與美國社會生活，甚至在一百年後仍然和奴隸一樣被剝奪各種權利，他們生活水準的提高與國家的發展並非完全相稱。因此美國黑人的平等問題成為一個嚴重的社會問題。



黑人志願團體和教會以及其它各階層關心此事的美國人團體，同心合力掀起了一場爭取民權的運動。他們敦促國會通過強有力的法律，清除美國社會種族隔離和種族歧視的最後殘餘。



一九六三年八月二十八日在華盛頓林肯紀念堂舉行的「為工作的自由進軍」是民權運動的重要里程碑。那天最激勵人心的，是馬丁‧路德‧金恩牧師代表南方基督教領導會議所作的講演。 一位新聞記者指出，金氏的演講「充滿林肯和甘地精神的象徵和聖經的韻律」。他既義正嚴辭又有節制；公開宣揚－這是其基本哲學的一部分－－非暴力的改革途徑；並且侃侃陳詞，雄辯有力。在六十年代和七十年代，美國國會、總統和法院將金氏在講演中提到的各種法律障礙解除了。





演講內容:一百年前，一位偉大的美國人簽署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我們就是在他的雕像前集會。這一莊嚴宣言猶如燈塔的光芒，給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來了希望。它之到來猶如歡樂的黎明，結束了束縛黑人的漫漫長夜。



然而一百年後的今天，我們必須正視黑人還沒有得到自由這一悲慘的事實。一百年後的今天，在種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活備受壓榨。一百年後的今天，黑人仍生活在物質充裕的海洋中一個窮困的孤島上。一百年後的今天，黑人仍然萎縮在美國社會的角落裡，並且意識到自己是故土家園中的流亡者。今天我們在這裡集會，就是要把這種駭人聽聞的情況公諸於眾。



就某種意義而言，今天我們是為了要求兌現諾言而匯集到我們國家的首都來的。我們共和國的締造者草擬憲法和獨立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時，曾向每一個美國人許下了諾言。他們承諾給予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剝奪的權利。



就有色公民而論，美國顯然沒有實踐她的諾言。美國沒有履行這項神聖的義務，只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票，支票上蓋著「資金不足」的戳子後便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經破產。我們不相信，在這個國家巨大的機會之庫裡已沒有足夠的儲備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現－－這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義的保障。



我們來到這個聖地也是為了提醒美國，現在是非常急迫的時刻。現在決非侈談冷靜下來或服用漸進主義的鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實現民主的諾言的時候。現在是從種族隔離的荒涼陰暗的深谷攀登種族平等的光明大道的時候。現在是向上帝所有的兒女開放機會之門的時候。現在是把我們的國家從種族不平等的流沙中拯救出來，置於兄弟情誼的磐石上的時候。



如果美國忽視時間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那麼，這對美國來說，將是致命傷。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到來，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會過去。一九六三年並不意味著鬥爭的結束，而是開始。有人希望，黑人只要消消氣就會滿足；如果國家安之若素，毫無反應，這些人必會大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的權利，美國就不可能有安寧或平靜。正義的光明的一天不到來，叛亂的旋風就將繼續動搖這個國家的基礎。



但是對於等候在正義之宮門口的心急如焚的人們，有些話我是必須說的。在爭取合法地位的過程中，我們不要採取錯誤的做法。我們不要為了滿足對自由的渴望而抱著敵對和仇恨之杯痛飲。我們鬥爭時必須求遠舉止得體，紀律嚴明。我們不能容許我們的具有嶄新內容的抗議蛻變為暴力行動。我們要不斷地昇華到以精神力量對付物質力量的崇高境界中去。



現在黑人社會充滿著了不起的新的戰鬥精神，但是我們卻不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因為我們的許多白人兄弟已經認識到，他們的命運與我們的命運是緊密相連的，他們今天參加遊行集會就是明證。他們的自由與我們的自由是息息相關的。我們不能單獨行動。



當我們行動時，我們必須保證向前進。我們不能倒退。現在有人問熱心民權運動的人，「你們什麼時候才能滿足?」



只要黑人仍然遭受警察難以形容的野蠻迫害，我們就絕不會滿足。



只要我們在外奔波而疲乏的身軀不能在公路旁的汽車旅館和城裡的旅館找到住宿之所，我們就絕不會滿足。



只要黑人的基本活動範圍只是從少數民族聚居的小貧民區轉移到大貧民區，我們就絕不會滿足。



只要密西西比仍然有一個黑人不能參加選舉，只要紐約有一個黑人認為他投票無濟於事，我們就絕不會滿足。



不!我們現在並不滿足，我們將來也不滿足，除非正義和公正猶如江海之波濤，洶湧澎湃，滾滾而來。



我並非沒有注意到，參加今天集會的人中，有些受盡苦難和折磨；有些剛剛走出窄小的牢房；有些由於尋求自由，曾在居住地慘遭瘋狂迫害的打擊，並在警察暴行的旋風中搖搖欲墜。你們是人為痛苦的長期受難者。堅持下去吧，要堅決相信，忍受不應得的痛苦是一種贖罪。



讓我們回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴馬去，回到南卡羅來納去，回到喬治亞去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我們北方城市中的貧民區和少數民族居住區去，要心中有數，這種狀況是能夠也必將改變的。我們不要陷入絕望而不克自拔。



朋友們，今天我對你們說，在此時此刻，我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折，我仍然有一個夢想。這個夢想是深深紮根於美國的夢想中的。



我夢想有一天，這個國家會站立起來，真正實現其信條的真諦：「我們認為這些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等。」



我夢想有一天，在喬治亞的紅山上，昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。



我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州這個正義匿跡，壓迫成風，如同沙漠般的地方，也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。



我夢想有一天，我的四個孩子將在一個不是以他們的膚色，而是以他們的品格優劣來評價他們的國度裡生活。



我今天有一個夢想。



我夢想有一天，阿拉巴馬州能夠有所轉變，儘管該州州長現在仍然滿口異議，反對聯邦法令，但有朝一日，那裡的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，攜手並進。



我今天有一個夢想。



我夢想有一天，幽谷上昇，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，聖光披露，滿照人間。



這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個信念，我們將能從絕望之嶙劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個信念，我們將能把這個國家刺耳爭吵的聲，改變成為一支洋溢手足之情的優美交響曲。



有了這個信念，我們將能一起工作，一起祈禱，一起鬥爭，一起坐牢，一起維護自由；因為我們知道，終有一天，我們是會自由的。



在自由到來的那一天，上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌：「我的祖國，美麗的自由之鄉，我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方，您是最初移民的驕傲，讓自由之聲響徹每個山崗。」



如果美國要成為一個偉大的國家，這個夢想必須實現。讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨峰巔響起來!讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺響起來？讓自由之聲從賓夕法尼亞州阿勒格尼山的頂峰響起來!



讓自由之聲從科羅拉多州冰雪覆蓋的洛基山響起來!讓自由之聲從加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰響起來？不僅如此，還要讓自由之聲從喬治亞州的石嶙響起來？讓自由之聲從田納西州的瞭望山響起來!



讓自由之聲從密西西比的每一座丘陵響起來？讓自由之聲從每一片山坡響起來。



當我們讓自由之聲響起來，讓自由之聲從每一個大小村莊、每一個州和每一個城市響起來時，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來，那時，上帝的所有兒女，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，都將手攜手，合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌：「終於自由啦!終於自由啦!感謝全能的上帝，我們終於自由啦!」

資料來源:http://tw.knowledge.yahoo.com/question/question?qid=1105050705376

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